hari maga

parisara vinaazaya valakaa, aarþhika haa samaajika vixamaþaa ðurukara, saaðhaaraNa samaajayak apa mavbimata uðaakara gaþa hækkee, 1832 ðii aarambhavuu palaaþ navayee kûþima maayim beðiima ahoosikara, ee venuvata, parisaraaþmaka maayim sahiþa (ikolojikal bavundariis) jana sabhaa namæþi sammuþi ðeezapaalana eekaka pihituvaa gæniimen ya. eya hari maga hevaþ bauððha maðhyama praþipaðaavaya.

2017-01-31

rata godagannata vehesuNu kaLukoÐayaavee mahanaahimi

gihi-pæviði bheeðaya

zrii prajçaazekhara mahaanaayaka himiyangee svayálikhiþa cariþakaþhaa poþa (1970) kiyaviya yuþuya kiyaa mata siþunee ec el seneviraþna mahaþaa visin liyuu ða vark of kins (1999) yana poþa kiyavuu pasuvaya. ema poþen ohu kiyaa sitiyee rajavarun visin kalayuþu væda valata haamuðuruvarun aþa gasaa æþibavaya. haamuðuruvaru aaraNyagaþava bhaavanaayoogiiva sitiya yuþu bavaþ  ðeezaya paalanaya kiriimee kaariyata aþanogæsiya yuþu bavaþ yanuven ohugee poþee saÐahan ekþaraa gæmiyekugee maþaya  ohugeeða maþayavuu bava penee. ohu vizva viðyaalayeeðii maaksvaaðiiyekva sitiyeeya. loo væsiyaagee hiþasuva  piNisa gam niyam gam særisaraNa lesa pasvaga mahaNunta buðuhaamuðuruvan ðun upaðeezaya pansil paða kiyaaðiimata hæra minisungee kusagini niviima, saamaya haa saþuta labaaðiima yanaaðii kaaraNaa iita æþulaþ novanneeya yanna mee maþayee harayaya. eheþ 1916 ðii sitama kaLukoÐayaavee prajçaazekhara himiyan kiyaa sitiyee aagamakin kaLa yuþu kaaryyaya nam minisungee jiiviþa sakas kiriima (hæðiima) bavaþ, ee saÐahaa jiiviþa nomaGa yaamata æþi heeþu monavaaðæyi soyaa balaa ema heeþu vaLakvaa gæNiimata upaðes ðiyayuþu bavaþ ya (prajçaazekhara cariþaya, 230 pituva).

pansala haa gama

þamangee væraði maþaya anþayatama gena giya ec el, lákaavee praznavalata (síhala-ðemaLa?) vagakiva yuþu valpola raahula haa yakkaduvee prajçaaraama yana haamuðuruvarun ðennaa yayi  kiyaa sitiyeeya. ohugee poþa liviimeeðii raahula haamuðuruvan (1907-97) genða uðav labaagaþ bava  saÐahan kara þibuunaþ ohugee mee barapaþala cooðanaavata piLiþuru ðiimata unvahanseeta avasþhaavak nolæbuNee poþa pitavana vita unvahansee jiivaþun aþara nositiimaya. pansala haa gama aþara þibuNa gasata poþ‌þa væni bæÐiima namæþi suððanta maþuvuu ubhaþookootika praznaya nooþ aaNdukaarayaa ðænagaþþee 1805 ðiiya (312 pituva). ðæn 2017 ðii mee praznaya kaLu suððanta haa en jii oo muðalaalilaata lokuma hisaraðayak vii æþa. ovun vatakaragena bauððhaagamata haa zaasanayata pahara ðennee ee nisaaya. pansalee puujaa kiriimata mal kædiimen miimæssanta pæni næþivana nisaa saþ‌va hísaavak vena bavaþ, kudaa Lamun mahaNa kiriimen ovungee maanava ayiþivaasikam kadavana bavaþ kiyana þaramata eya unmaþ‌þaka va æþa.

bauððhayaa rævatiima

2003 ðesæmbar 12 ðina, kumaNþranayak see penena aakaarayata siðuvuu sooma haamuðuruvangee næþiviimaþ samaGa yatagiya síhala bauððha balaveegaya, 2012 mæyi masa æraBuNa boðu bala seenaava visin, pansalee baNa maduven, prasiððha veeðikaavata gena yaamaþ samaGa mee prahaaraya amuþuma veezayak gena æþa. ðeezapaalakayin visin síhala bauððhayaava hiþa hoÐa gæhæniyak see sæLakiimata viruððhava militant vyaapaarayaka æþi avazyaþaavaya, vaþura soyaa gos lip bokkee hiravuu booðhi saþ‌va naagayaa visin ðara ipalak gaþ mæhæliyata igænvuu paadamee kaaloociþa bhaavaya, boðu bala seenaava ratatama haa lookayatama elikara ðunneeya.  haamuðuruvaru ðeezapaalanayen ivaþ‌viya yuþuyayi kii ayagee satana anþimeeðii æmerikan þaanaapaþini micel sisan ata pirikara samaGa koottee naaga vihaarayata yææmen keLavara viya. kabaragoyaa þalagoyaa viya. maaðuLuvaavee soobhiþa haamuðuruvangee rata venuven penvuu hoÐa hiþa haa jiiviþaya paraajiþa manasakin, sæka maþukaramin vaiðya guvan yaanayak þula avasaana viya.

varxa 2001 vanavita  prajçaazekhara svayálikhiþa cariþa poþak lákaaven hoyaa gæniima hariyata kaLunika soyanavaa vagee viya. anþimeeðii bohoo ðenek haa samban‌ðhakam þibuu magee massinaa mee poþa hoyaa gaþþee ohuta 1970 ðii ee poþa muðraNaya kala ayava ðæna siti kenekva hootalayakaðii ahamben muNa gæsiima nisaaya. poþ lesa kapaa piLiyela nokala ehi muðriþa kola miti kiipayak ohu laGa iþirivii þibuNeeya. in ekak labaagena eevaa kapaa poþak lesa banÐavaa ohu mata evveeya. mee poþa hoyaa gaþþee keseeðæyi miyagiya aananða gurugee mahaþaaða varak magen æsuveeya. hitagena niðaa gannaa, niðaagena baNa kiyana unvahansee gæna maþakayak aða kaalayee lákaavee minisunta næþa. haamuðurunamak vazayen baNa ðaham ázayen unvahansee visin kara æþi seevaya vixmaya ðanavayi. þani puðgalayek mee siyalla kalee keseeða yanna aðahaa gæniimata pavaa apahasu vuvaþ, eþumaaNoo ee siyalla ðinapaþaa ðinapoþaka liyaa þabaa æþa.

anaagaarika ðharmapaalaþumaagee aaðar‌zaya

1895 ðesæmbar 30 ðaa upan  ðon iGoonis namæþi ðaruvaa  kaLukoÐayaavee prajçaazekhara namin pæviðivuuyee 1911 pebaravaari 23 vana ðaaya. saþipaþaa senasuraaðaa ðinayee pansalata læbena síhala bauððhayaa paþraya kiyaviima haamuðuruvangee puruððak viya. ehi kotas vazayen paLavuu anaagaarika ðhar‌mapaalaþumaagee ðæna gaþa yuþu karuNu namæþi ðiirgha lipiya unvahanseegee aðahas venas aþakata peraLuveeya. <gihiyaa veevaa pæviððaa veevaa mee síhala rata janmabhuumi kota æþþek vii nam siyarata venuven, aagama venuven,  prajaava venuven seevaavak kaLa yuþuyayi mata avaboðha vuuyee ema ðæna gaþa yuþu karuNu  kiyaviimeni. kavara jaaþika aagamika seevaavak hoo kiriima jiiviþalaabhayehi phalayakæyi ema liyavili kiyaviimen vætahii giya maa þuLa æþivuuyee aþizaya uðveegayaki> (119 pituva). mee vana vita unvahanseegee vayasa avuruðu vissaki (1916). lákaava aða vætii æþi avaasanaavanþa adiya gæna siþana vita mee haamuðuruvan 1930-50 aþara kaalaya þula graama sávarðhana vyaapaaraya uðesaa kala kæpa kiriima ratata læbii næþivii giya ðiyaseena kumaarayekgee seevaavak væniya.

baNamaduva haa paázakuulaya

krisþiyaani haa maaksvaaðii sambhavayak æþi raavaya paþ‌þaree viktar ayivan væni aya haa naa naa maaðiliyee ðes viðes suððan, kaLu suððan iilamkaarayin haa palli nikaayikayin, sivura, baNa maduvata haa paázakuulayata sirakara þæbiimata ðæn 2017 vanavita karagena yana akhaNda vyaapaarayata, ðænata avuruðu siiyakata pera, 1916 ðii sita 1970 gaNan vanaþuruma nyaayaaþmaka, praayoogika haa yaþhaarþhavaaðii bauððha piLiþurak unvahansee visin ðii æþi aakaaraya aþi vizixtaya. raahula haamuðuruvangee bhikxuvakagee urumaya nam poþaþ, 1956 nihaDa viplavayata balapææ yakkaduvee haamuðuruvangee viðyaalákaara prakaazanayaþ paLavuuyee 1946 ðiiya. 1931-32 vana vita aarambhakara graamapraþisáskaraNaya haa aparaaðhamarðanaya namin kaaraNaa 99 kin yuþ poþ pícak lesa 1942 ðii kaLukoÐayaavee haamuðuruvan visin ee vyaapaaraya gæna kala visþaraya  kaLu suððangee haa en jii oo poþpaþ leekhanaaðiyee saÐahan novee. eya kuutha lesa yatagasaa, valalaa ðamaa æþa. aða 2017 ðii kosol rajaþumaagee siina sæbæævii æþi avaðhiyaka haa ratee janaaðhipaþivarayaa visin bauððha raajya sákalpaya lookayatama paþuravaaliimata kriyaakaramin sitinaa avasþhaavaka (2017 looka vesak ðinaya lákaavee pævæþ‌viimaða samaGa) 1931 ðii æraBuu ee anagi vyaapaaraya kaLu suððan visin kadaakappal kara ðæmuu bava ðannee kii ðenaaða?

bauððha ðeezapaalanaya

lákaavata huuniyamak vii æþi pakxa ðeezapaalana boru vala, lákaavata nogælapena suððan ætavuu niyoojiþa prajaaþanþravaaðaya namæþi naas laNuva, 13 vana sázoðhanaya nam mara uGula, ðemaLa iilamvaaðaya haa muslim zaariyaavaaðaya, gam mattamin mahajanaþaavata balaya maaruvana jana sabhaa kramaya, mahajaaþiya haa aniþ jana vaargika kotas samaGa sáhiÐiyaava haa þirasara sávar‌ðhana maavaþa yana mee aða lákaava muhuNaðii sitina ubhaþookootika nohoþ anþoo jataa-bahi jataa prazna valata 1931 ðii sita kaLukoÐayaavee haamuðuruvan gaþ visaÐuma misa vena visaÐumak þibeeða yanna mee poþa kiyavannata læbuNaa nam aþuræliyee raþana haa galaboda aþþee jçaanasaara himivaruntaþ ratee janaaðhipaþivarayaataþ praþyakxa vanavaa nisækaya. ðæn baðaagena ðaGalana sígappuuru-inðiyan-ciina, hoo ðakuNu aprikaa modal venuvata mema kaLukoÐayaavee modalaya (kramaveeðaya) apee urumaya noveeða? gas kolan kapaa ðamamin ratata karanaa megaadiil vinaazaya venuvata parisaraya rækagannaa gama-væva-ðaagæba nam síhalee þriþ‌vaya mee modalaya maya.

kaLukoÐayaavee modalaya

þavamaþ piriven zixyayeku vazayen sitiyaðiima ðematagoda kolonnaava paaree kulii geyaka pavaþvaa gena giya ðhar‌maðaana samiþiyaka upa‌anuzaasakavarayaa vazayen 1917 janavaari 21 paþ‌vuu haamuðuruvoo ðevasarakata pasu ehi praðhaana anuzaasakavarayaa viya. mema samiþiya visin  ð‌vibhaaxaa (síhala haa ígriisi) raaþrii  puNya paasælak aarambha karana laðii. gihiyan haa pæviððan ígriisi bhaaxaava igena gæniimee æþi væðagaþkama (prayoojanaya) unvahansee niþarama saÐahan kara æþa. 1931-32 kaalayee zrexthaaðhikaraNa vinisuru em tii akbaar mahaþaagee maargaðeezakaþ‌vayen pævaþi ðiipa vyaapþa aparaaðhamar‌ðana vyaapaarayata haamuðuruvangee ek‌viima siðuvannee 1933 janavaari maasayee koLaBa aananða viðuhalee pævæþ‌vuu maha sabhaavakata anuzaasanayak ðiimata læbuNu araaðhanaavata pasuvaya.

pakxa ðeezapaalanaya nam vaságaþaya booviimata kalin aparaaðhama‌r‌ðanavyaapaarayee mul þænak gena kriyaakala unvahansee 1931 n pasu pakxa ðeezapaalanaya ratata karana vinaazaya mehiðii penvaa ðunneeya. gam væsiyaagee jiivanaþa‌þvaya usas kiriimee avazyaþaavayaða penvaa ðemin kala anuzaasanaya poþak lesa muðraNaya kiriimata eya asaa siti akbaar vinisuru araaðhanaavak kaleeya. eya piyaseena nizzáka kaþuvarayaa visin pasuðaa sitama graamapraþisáskaraNaya haa aparaaðhamar‌ðanaya yana siras þalayen siLumiNa paþrayee kotas vazayen paLakaraNa laðii (242 pituva).

mema poþee aðahas aþ‌haðaa bæliima piNisa þooraagaþþee (aparaaðhamar‌ðana-graamaarakxaka mahaaságamaya, 1933 apriyel 30 ðaa pihituvana laðii) heevaagamkooraLaya ya. 1934 ðii kooraLaya puraa pæþuruNu mæleeriyaa vaságaþaya nisaa hæma gamakama zaakhaa pihituviimata nohæki vuvaþ, muðalivaru, polisiya, ðisaa vinisuru haa manþrii foræstar obeeseekaraða eyata sahaaya labaaðunneeya. mee aþara 1912 ðii ratee mulin aarambhavuNa amaðya vyaapaarayata nava paNa ðiimak 1933 ðii siðuviya.

maavanælla polis saþhaanaaðhipaþi  dii abeevarNa mahaþaagee mæðihaþ viimen 1940 sæpþæmbar  27 ðaa raaþriyee elivanaþuru evakata kæægallee upa polis supirintændant va siti osman ða silvaa samaGa pævæþvuu graama sávarðhana vyaapaarayata aðaala saakaccaava aiþihaasika siðuviimak, kæsbaaven ðennek ðiyata ðæmiimak yayi  haamuðuruvoo satahan kara æþa (366 pituva). kæægalu ðisþrikkayee graama sávarðhana vyaapaaraya æraBuNee elesaya. ðisþrikkayee polis sþhaana haya puraama samiþi bihiviima æraBuNee 1940 novæmbar 25 prasiððha ræsviimakata pasuvaya. 1941 apriyel vanavita ðiþrikkayee þæn 73 ka graama sávarðhana-jaaþikooþsava sáviðhaanaya karana laðii. mee nisaa síhala avuruðu kaalayeeðii ðisþrikkayee  kisima  aparaaðhayak siðu noviiya. gam bim keþ ‌vaþu saru saara vemin ðilennata viya. unvahanseegeema vacanayen kiyaþoþ < meyata pera avuruðu ðahayak pamaNa kal praþyakxaavaboðhayak næþiva sihinayen ðakinnaak men ratata avazya sávarðhana vyaapaaraya nam mee yayi siþaa ee piLiBaÐava mama anuzaasanaya keremin sitiyemi. kriyaaþmaka vyaapaarayakata sambað‌ðha vannata hæki vuuyee kæægalu ðisþrikkayeeðiiya. maa ðakimin siti sihinaya svalpakaalayak þuLa ðiima saþyayak vuu bava praþyakxayen ðaþa hæki vuuyeeya> (371 pituva).

mee nisaa ratee iþiri ðisþrik 20 þuLaða mee kramaya kriyaaþmaka kiriimataþ iita pera  kæægalu ðisþrikkayee vyaapaaraya aaðarza praðeezayak vazayen sþhaavaraþvayata paþkara gæniimataþ rajayee sahayoogaya labaagaþayuþu bava vatahaagaþ haamuðuruvoo ee saÐahaa amaaþya maNdalayee praðhaana æmaþivarayaavuu sar ðon baaron jayaþilaka mahaþaa hamuviya. ðisþrikkayee sácaarayak kala eþumaa ehi agaya avaboðhakaragaþ bava ðænvuu vita eseenam vyaapaaraya sþhaavara karagannaa þek osmand silvaa mahaþaata avuruððak ðekak mee ðisþrikkayeema innata ida salasaa ðena men ohugen illaa sitiyeeya. meyata heeþuva vuuyee ratata hoo ratavæsiyaata hiþakara lesa raajakaariya karaNa nilaðhaariinta pramaaNavaþ kaalayak ema sþhaanayeema  ræÐii sitinnata ida noðiima eðaa paalanaþanþrayee usas ðharmaþaavak men kriyaaþmaka vana bava penennata þibuNa heyini. rata haðannata uþsaaha kiriimee praþiphalayak vazayen osmand silvaa mahaþaava vena peðesakata maarukara yavannata yaþna ðaraNa pirisak ee vana vitaþ maþuvii sitina bava unvahanseeta aarácivii þibuNeeya. < eheyi, oba vahanseegee illiima itu karannata hækiþaak uþsaaha karaNavaa yayi ohu kii nisaa eyin mama þûpþiyata paþviimi> (372 pituva).

esee vuvaþ siðuvuuyee kumakða? rajayee sivil nilaðhaariyeku mee vyaapaaraya gæna pariikxaakiriimata paþkala bava prasiððha viya. kæægalu ðiþrikkayee gamak paasaa goviþænbaþ saruvii æþa. gam ræsaka paaluvata þibuu idam kæbali vævilivalin pirii æþa. aparaaðha siyeeta panahakin aduvii æþa. bohoo nilaðhaariin osmand silvaagee mee vyaapaarayata sahayoogaya ðunnee eya aþizayinma saarþhakavuu nisaaya. namuþ ðeeza ðrohii prabala nilaðhaariinta eya æhee katu gasannaak men viya. haamuðuruvangee sahaaya nisaa  aagam bheeðaya piLiBaÐa kumanþraNayakða  æþivuyee yayi kiyaþi. < apagee vyaapaaraya kavara aagamika pracaarayak saÐahaa vaþ aayuðha kara nogannaa laðii. kæægalu ðisþrikkayee iþaa svalpa ðenekun hæra hæma ðenaama vaagee bauððhayooya. praðeezayee saukhya þaþvayee sæLakiya yuþu ðiyuNuvak æþiviya. sorakama, vácaava, ðuraacaaraya, suuðuva haa suraapaanaya behevin ma aduviya> (374 pituva).
mee hæra osmand silvaa mahaþaagee puðgalika jiiviþaya piLiBaÐa karuNu pavaa huvaa ðæk‌vina (pasu kaLeka ohu vivaaha vannee polispaþi sar ricad aLuvihaaree gee ðiyaNiya samaGaya). anþimeeðii vyaapaaraya kadaa kappal kara ðæmuu nilaðhaarii vaarþaavaþ samaGa ohuva bambalapitiyee polis abhyaasaviðyaalayee aðhipaþi lesa usaskara maaru kara yavana laðii. eþænata gam væsiyan yannee næþa. þaman ðun praþijçaava venas kaLee æyiðæyi vimasuu vita jayaþilaka mahaþaa ðun kxaNika piLiþura vuuyee paalana vyavasþhaava anuva maaruva kaLayuþuma bavaya. eheþ praþijçaava ðena vita þibuNeeða ee vyavasþhaavamaya (376 pituva). keseeveþaþ kæægallee graama sávarðhana vyaapaaraya  kuruNæægala haa mahanuvara ðisþrik valataða vyaapþaviya. <eheþ rajayee prabala nilaðharayekugee aváka hûðayágama sahayoogaya næþiva apagee anuzaasanayen haa maargoopaðeezakaþvayen pamaNak mebaÐu pûþhula kriyaamaargayak samûð‌ðha kala nohæki bava hoÐin praþyakxa viya.. kæægalu ðisþrikkayee siyaLuma graama sávarðhana samiþi eekaabað‌ðhakota pihituvaa gannaa laða graama sávarðhana samiþi sammeelanayee anuzaasaka ðhuurayata ða 1941 ðesæmbar 27 ðaa mama paþkara gannaa laððee vemi> (386 pituva).

osmand silvaa mahaþaa bambalapitiyen uþuru paLaaþata gos inpasu vayaBa paLaaþee supurintændant lesa maaruviya. kæægalu ðisþrikkayee graama sávarðhana vyaapaarayen vadaa laaþ praþyakxa praþiphala læbuuvoo hiina yayi sammaþa kulavalata ayaþ ayaya. ovun haa samban‌ðhaþaa æþi kuruNæægala janayaa osmand silvaata mee vyaapaaraya aarambha karaNa men aaraaðhanaya kaLaþ kæægalleeðii ugaþ paadam nisaa ohu ee gæna yuhusulu noviiya. ohu hamuvuu hamuviimata giya haamuðuruvoo kæægalleeðii men nova mulinma polisiya haa ðisaapaþi aþara sambanðhakamak æþi karagaþayuþu bava saakaccaa kaLeeya. evakata kuruNæægala ðizaapaþivuu bii ef pereeraagee sahayoogaya labaagaþþee mee nisaaya. praþhama ræsviima pævæþvuuyee 1948 okþoobar 14 ðaa vaariyapoLa paaðeNiya vihaarasþhaanayee ðiiya. <mesee vanni haþpaþþuvee kûxikarma vyaapaaraya keþaram samûð‌ðha vii ða yaþ: anuraaðhapura yugayen mepita vanniyee meþaram ðiyuNuvak æþi novuu heyin eyata muulikava má pææðuu osmand silvaa mahaþaata vanni ðeviyoo yayi ohu þumuu nam kaLa ha> (405 pituva).

bauððha, hinðu, muslim, krisþiyaani janayaa sitina halaavaþa ðisþrikkayee kosvaþþa polis kot‌thaazayata ayaþ morakæLee gama keþaram ðuzcariþa valin yukþavuuvaaða yaþ kosvaþþee polisiyak þabannata vuuyee ee nisaayayi kiyævina. gamee pavul 175 n 135 kma hæLi arakku perana, minii mara gannaa aya viya. eheþ graama sávarðhana vyaapaaraya nisaa gama venas viya. kosvaþþata ðæn polisiyak avazya næþa, eya vasaa ðæmiya yuþuya kiyana þænata paþ‌v‌ya (407 pituva).

mee vakavaanuveeðii 1935 sita maaksvaaðiin kalee suuriyamal vikiNiima (popimal valata erehiva) haa mæleeriyaa vaságaþayeeðii aaðhaara beðiimaya. eya ee kaalayee lákaavee hæmooma kala ðeyaki. mææþa kaalayee sunaamiya vageeya. mæyi ðinayeeðii bildin valata gal gasana bágaveevaa ðeezapaalanaya aavee 1948 ta pasuvaya. breesgeedal háGaa gæniima hoo jeelargee anuðanuma æþiva hiren palaayaama hoo inðiyan vaþukamkaruvan gæna misa lákaavee gæmiyangee ðuk gænavili ovunta aðaala noviiya. ovungee kamkaru vyaapaaraya vyaaja raþu kaLu suððangee vædak kiyaa mata siþennee mee nisaaya. 1971 haa 1988-9 ta pasuva aða vanavita jee vii pii eka karanneeþ mevænima aþaramávuu ðeezapaalanayak yayi mata siþee. molaya pææðii kaLukoÐayaavee haamuðuruvan samaGa ekaþuvuuvaa nam lákaavata kumak vannata ida þibuNaaða? muðal æmaþi lesa æn æm ðaLaðaa maaligaavata neLum mal banðeesiyak aragena giyee 1964 ðiiya.

pakxa ðeezapaalanayen þorava, nilaðhaariin visin iþaa saarþhaka lesa gamvala genagiya vyaapaarayak lesa gæmi ðiriya væda satahana haÐunvaa ðiya hækiya. meya lákaavee uþuru haa næGenahira paLaaþ valataða haÐunvaa ðenavaa venuvata ðeezapaalakayin eya kadaa kappalkara ðamana laðii. maa mee bava ðannee mema vyaapûþiya nirmaanaya kala nilaðhaariyaaþ ehi aðhyakxaka lesa aváka seevayak kala nilaðhaariyaaþ yana ðennaavama maa puðgalikavama ðannaa nisaaya. gama karata gaþþaa see hæsiremin 1970 sita viviðha ðeezapaalakayin visin karana laða aaNduvee gam sávar‌ðhana væda samûðhi-ðivi næGuma yana nam valin þibeþaþ eya kaLukoÐayaavee modalaya men sammuþivaaðii ðeezapaalanayak novee. eevaa pakxa ðeezapaalana barakaraþ‌þa ya. svaabhaavika maayim sahiþa jana sabhaa kramayak æþikara (ðænata æþi 14,020k vana graama seevaa nilaðhaarii vasam venuvata) rata galavaa gaþa hæki aakaaraya þeerum gæniimata 1933 ðii kaLukoÐayaavee haamuðuruvan penvaa ðun kaaraNaa 99 n aða vanavita yal pæna æþæyi kiva hækkee iþaa suLu pramaaNayak pamaNaya.

2017-01-29

ðahaþunvana sázoðhanaya nam kodivinaya



Empowerment with language-blind spatial units
    
C. Wijeyawickrema, LL.B., Ph.D.
 Sunday, 14 September 2008 (an old essay but relevant today)

Kumar David vs. Victor Ivan

What is the difference between Kumar David (KD) and Victor Ivan (VI)? KD, like so many other "Tamil moderates" with whom he signs petitions, Colombo-Marxists on the APRC, Mano Ganeshan, Anandasangaaree and the UTHR (J) group led by Ratnajeevan Hoole is still blinded by the old separatist paradigm jointly developed by GG Ponnambalam and SJV Chelvanayagam. For about 70 years this paradigm dominated Colombo politics. VI, on the other hand, shows signs of realizing that a new paradigm has arrived on the political scene (Sunday Island, 9/7/2008). This language-blind new paradigm has shattered the Marxist-propagated (Stalin and LSSP) theory of a "national question." Sri Lanka did not have a national question; Sri Lanka had a headache of class rivalry between elitist Colombo-living, mostly Christian, Tamil and Sinhala politicians. This is why KD is more concerned about the loss of a comrade!

Col. Karuna paradigm

Former village terrorist Col. Karuna dismantled the separatist paradigm that ruined Sri Lanka by just five words-Give us what Colombo gets. Karuna escaped death in 2004 and in 2006 at a TV interview revealed a gospel of truth. He accepted the former Chief Justice M. C. Sansoni's advise "if the Tamils' cry for separatism is given up, the two communities could solve their problems and continue to live in amity and dignity" (Sessional Paper No. 7 of 1980). He also silenced the 13A Plus or Classics supporters (Ref. Island, 8/11/2008) by stating that he does not think police power is needed to help Tamil villagers in the Eastern Province. Unlike the two or three Colombo ministers Karuna knew that the failure of PCs in the south was not because that they did not have police powers.

Karuna is the first major Tamil politician to derail the homeland in the EP theory of SJVC. Lakshman Kadiragamar, Neelan Thiruchelvam and even Jeyaraj Fernando-Pulle supported an "F" solution because they could not come out of the traditional Tamil homeland trap. Neelan was not willing to accept the Pondicherry sub-model within the Indian "F" model because it would have created a moth-eaten like holes of Sinhala and Muslim enclaves in the N-E homeland. Tamil aspirations, whatever was meant by that phrase by the late Kumar Ponnambalam from his Colombo home, can be achieved under the Karuna paradigm of language-blind spatial units.

Colombo paradigm

The Karuna paradigm is also a rejection of the Colombo paradigm. Karuna paradigm (2006) is nothing but a Tamil version of what JVP was demanding in 1971 and in 1988-89. The Colombo establishment impliedly accepted it by citing the kolambata kiri apita kakiri epithet in their Youth Commission Report, (March, 1990, p. xvii). Mostly Christian ruling families operating from Colombo did not want to decentralize power or to engage in rural development or diversification of the economy, a classic case of mismanagement in a former colony. The gap between the rich and the poor widened and the separation between Colombo and the villages increased. Even the open economy-based infra-structure built by the colonial master collapsed one by one due to neglect and stupidity. When black cats with suicide bombs started to follow them up on Colombo roads in the 1990s, the Colombo ruling class suddenly thought of "devolution packages." In July 1975 Prabakaran had his first killing, Alfred Duraiyappa, the SLFP Mayor of Jaffna, but the Colombo minister of local government did not think of devolution. The biggest problem local governments faced since 1948 was the minister arbitrarily interfering with their functioning.

Devolution versus empowerment

"Devolution" is thus an arrangement between politicians to divide the pie or create new mini-pies. The Indian experience of this arrangement has been (1) further demands for more regional units (initial 14 states are now grown to 28 and at least another 35 are in the pipe line) (Federal India: a design for change, Rasheeduddin Khan, 1992) and (2) the taking of Delhi politicians as hostages by regional politicians (the phenomenon of coalitional politics). Indian devolution did not help the average Indian. The Indian-imposed devolution in Sri Lanka, known also as the PC white elephant, is not empowerment of Tamil, Sinhala or Muslim villagers. This devolution will allow the continuation of Colombo paradigm along with the separatist design of Tamil politicians who wants to be new kings and rulers of Tamil people. It will allow some Tamil politicians to attack any development work as another example of "Sinhalization." PCs gave Sri Lanka a new set of corrupt politicians.


Empowerment and the Panchayathi Raj Institutes

In the modern world democracy operates through people's representatives. This system has become a way of muddling through political corruption. Gandhi wanted to avoid this by giving power to people via the Panchayaths (go back to direct democracy of the Greek city states). It was derailed by an argument that with severe caste divisions at the village level, higher castes will take control of the Panchayaths and would further aggravate the oppression of disadvantaged people. Despite ten five-year plans and protective discrimination and capacity endowment (to help backward castes and tribes) the Indian constitutional framework failed to deliver the trinity of equality-liberty-fraternity to Indian masses. Therefore, after giving it step-motherly treatment for 40 years, the Indian ruling elites took a decision to resurrect the old Panchayath system in 1993 as Panchayathi Raj Institutions (constitutional amendments 73 and 74). Under the Mahinda Chinthanaya approach, a home-grown constitution is to be developed after the war is over. The SLFP proposal to APRC in April 2007 to empower people (not province-level devolution of power to a new set of politicians) at the Grama Rajya-level is an example of this approach which is in agreement with the new paradigm of Col. Karuna, ecology and geography of Sri Lanka.

Federalism is Sri Lanka's death-trap

Whether one likes it or not 13A is the gateway to Eelam via the "F" solution. 13A is constitution-based racism imposed by India following its own history of communalistic 1935 Government of India Act and the 1956 linguistic demarcation of state boundaries. Sri Lanka should soon find its own home-grown solutions as there will be no market for separatism in Sri Lanka when Tamils and Sinhalese become fluent in both Tamil and Sinhala within the next 10-15 years. Even as a temporary mechanism13A must be clarified to indicate that there are no ethnic homelands in Sri Lanka. The 13A road with a Tamil homeland myth is a deadly road.

At least four dangers are inherent and embedded in the 13A.
(1) 13A was an Indian recognition of the SJVC-separatist paradigm that ruined Sri Lanka and poisoned Sri Lankan minds for 70 years.
(2) 13A recognized a traditional Tamil homeland despite historical, geographical and archeological evidence against it; SJVC paradigm with a Tamil traditional homeland faced problems from the findings in Prof. K Indrapala's doctoral thesis and as reported by Professor Michael Roberts his thesis was stolen from the London University library. But after forty years of archaeological field work Ven. Ellawala Medhananda Thero produced evidence contradictory to SJVC paradigm. The history of Sri Lanka and its North and East that he has painstakingly constructed (Our heritage of the North and East of Sri Lanka, 2003) is radically different from a Tamil rooted ethnic origin of its settlers. The scripts found on hundreds of rock caves that he was able to trace and record did not support a Tamil homeland theory. Some donors of these cave dwellings (to Buddhist priests) had Tamil names. If all donors at that time had a common Tamil origin, then all of them must have had Tamil names. These cave donations span from the 3rd century B.C to 5th century A.D. Under a Karuna paradigm there is no need to destroy these Buddhist archeological ruins (to remove evidence against a Tamil homeland) because they are not a threat to the empowerment of Tamil villagers.
(3) There is the world Tamil Federation eyeing for a quick Tamil country in Sri Lanka because it failed to get one in the Fiji Islands and knows that it is difficult to fight for a separate country in Tamil Nadu in the present political climate.
(4) Separatism in Tamil Nadu is alive and thriving (a recent opinion poll showed 55% supporting Eelam in Sri Lanka (TamilNet, 8/2/2008). The demand to take back Kachchativu is a political sacred cow in this regard. Thus, if 13A is accepted as the path to ethnic nirvana in Sri Lanka, as agitated, there is no way to stop a NGO-INGO-IC-backed demand by a future Tamil politician on the necessity to create an ISGA or to take the final UDI path. 

Armed with police and land powers it is not difficult to start a protracted conflict with Colombo over any number of old issues or new issues. Any domestic rivalry between two Tamil political leaders in the Province can become an IC issue involving foreign agents with vested interests and hidden agenda taking sides. A river for Jaffna (Island, 8/31/2008) is a good example of the potential of shortage of Mahavali water becoming an issue that could be raised as an international-human rights dispute by a separatist-prone Tamil politician. Take the case of re-opening of the KKS cement factory. Cement dust falling on farmers' vegetable plots was known for a long time in the past. But this will be considered a serious health hazard now in 2008. Quarrying limestone next to the factory doors which the cement chairman gave as a plus is actually a new hazard of seawater encroaching inland and polluting the groundwater table (TamilNet, 8/3/2008). Increasing links between Muslim radical groups in the EP and foreign Muslim groups or radical Tamil groups in the tea-growing area wanting to establish links with EP or NP are potential issues of conflict that Colombo politicians must not ignore.

Examples of federal dangers

Belgium, Scotland and South Ossetia/Abkhazia (Georgia) are three current examples that should open the eyes of Sri Lankan politicians on the need to promote and create language-blind village-level political units as vehicles for the empowerment of multi-ethnic communities. In Sri Lanka, over 50% of Tamils live in the South and there is the headache of Tamil Nadu Tamils supporting an Eelam in the island which they cannot get in South India. Scotland got what is comparable to 13A but the story is not over. It is perhaps only one election away from gaining independence as a separate country escaping from London's control. The nationalist party which advocates separation is gaining rapidly at each election.
Belgium is a tiny federation to which NGOs organized several trips of Buddhist monks to see how "F" system works. Today it is the best example of how "F" has not worked even with a king. In 1830-31 it was created by the international powers as a political compromise in building one state out of two nationalities, Dutch-speaking Flanders and French-speaking Wallonia with Brussels as the capital. Now Flanders wants to separate from Wallonia because "every attempt to liberalize the Belgian economy and to reform the generous welfare system has been vetoed by the relatively poor Walloon socialists." Flanders is no longer prepared to finance the ever increasing amount of Flemish subsidies which are flowing to Wallonia! If this happens then Wallonia will break into four or five smaller parts merging with other countries (i.e., France, Germany) or deciding to remain independent. Brussels itself will be a French-majority enclave linked with Wallonia by a land corridor. Such are the blessings of federating for 178 years!
Russian invasion of the Georgian held Russian-living region of South Ossetia (North Ossetia is already a Russian state) is an example of why India did not try to do a Bangladesh "solution" in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is an island. Georgia wanted to stop separatist work by minority Russians in SO. When it killed some Russians, Russia entered SO. India is in a dilemma with the Tamil homeland demand in Sri Lanka. If India accepts an Eelam then later Tamil Nadu itself will demand a separate country from India against "Hindia." Other secessionist groups in India will also get a boost. What we see today is, present-day Indian politicians trying to deal with tomorrow and day after and not with what would happen in ten years. Sri Lanka cannot afford to follow this philosophy.

Trinity of gama - vawa - dagaba (village-tank-temple)

Instead of Indian or west-baked solutions APRC and people like Kumar David should look inward to Sri Lanka's own history of language-blind ethnic harmony for a peace-filled future. Tamils have a homeland in Tamil Nad. Muslims have Mecca and a billion muslims. Christians have Pope. Sinhala people and Sinhala Buddhist have this tiny island, 15 million and the ocean. Tamils, Sinhala and Muslims can be empowered at the trinity level of kovil, temple and mosque -centered societal units. Aspirations can grow at the family and village levels. We should not promote aspirations with language-based spatial units. Instead create language-blind developmental units. If in a given village the majority happens to be Tamil let them work on their aspirations from house hold level upward to the Village Council level. Several VCs can go to District level. Imposing a Provincial level unit on them by a Colombo group is not suitable in Sri Lankan case as there is the fear and danger of separation.

Because our trinity is tank-centered it fits very well with the modern concept of river basin-based administrative units. New Zealand, a tiny country like ours is using this concept. The geography professor C. M. Madduma Bandara has proposed Seven River Basin-based administrative region system for Sri Lanka that Kumar David and the APRC's Colombo lawyers should study (Chapter 4 in Fifty years of Sri Lanka's independence: a socio-economic review, edited by A.D.V. de S. Indraratna, 1998, p.83; Island, February 7, 2001). They are: 1. Yalpanam 2. Rajarata 3. Dambadeni 4. Mahaweli 5. Digavapi 6. Kelani and 7. Ruhunu. Sri Lanka has hundreds of smaller ecological regions. We must promote this geographic diversity accepting the truth that "one law for the lion and ox is oppression."
Because, one cannot legislate against geography (Island, 2/22/2006), law in books cannot become law in action if APRC and its chairman act like a Colebrook in 2007 with the 9-province plan. Past attempts to develop Sri Lanka at village level failed because they were sabotaged by the Colombo class. F.R. Senanayake‘s efforts in this regard (mahajana sabhas) abruptly ended with his untimely death. In the 1940s Ven. Kalukondayave Pragnasekera Mahanayake Thero started a village development and crime eradication movement with Tamil and Muslim participation which was obstructed by the Colombo establishment. Hopefully, the Gama Naguma program under the Mahinda Chinthanaya will change Sri Lankan ethnic and economic landscape for good. The Local Government Reforms Commission (Sessional Paper No. 1 of 1999, the Abhayewardhana Report) recommended the resurrection of the local government system we had before 1978 but it was ignored until 2005. Kumar David needs to think of grass-roots politics rather than holding to the separatist tail of Tamil Nadu politics.
 
What is the solution?

Ideally speaking, as soon as Kilinochchi is liberated by the army the president needs to consider seriously the feasibility of moving the capital of Sri Lanka to the Raja Rata on a 15-20 year time frame rather than further aggravating the spatial problems found in the Colombo Region. Sri Lanka has the record of moving the capitol ten miles to a swamp creating flash flooding even in the Colombo Seven! Ministry by ministry, department by department, the government should relocate in the Raja Rata with a long-term plan. There is no better way to bring Sinhala and Tamil villagers together than the abandonment of the Colombo paradigm. No need to neglect essential developments in the Colombo harbor or Colombo roads or to doubt the geopolitical value of a new harbor in Hambantota and an alternative international airport near it. Sri Lanka should not forget the developing new frontier in the Raja Rata relative to South Indian developments but also the new needs of the Pacific century. Even in the U.S.A. its Pacific face is developing so rapidly compared to the 500 year-old Atlantic (European) face. Trincomalee is Sri Lanka's jewel in the Pacific century.

Sri Lanka requires two sets of actions: (1) a new constitution aimed at empowering people at the village-level, and (2) a civilian socio-economic development system aimed at eradicating corruption, poverty and social injustice. In this regard the President needs to consider taking the following actions:

Instruct the APRC and the Constitutional Affairs Ministry research staff to study the thousands of constitutional proposals they received by invitation and to publish a detailed analytical report. Why these proposals were totally ignored is problematic;

Instruct APRC and its Chairman to study the Abhayawardena Local Government Report and use it as a basis for devolution of power to Village Councils;
Instruct the APRC and the Constitutional Affairs Ministry research staff to study the 99 point program of action proposed by the late Ven. K.P. in the 1940s;
Appoint a committee with a geographer as the leader to study how GSN (grama sevaka niladharee) boundaries could be modified to fit in with Village Council and ecological boundaries;

Instruct the Defence Secretary to study the feasibility of deploying the army personnel in civil defence and development work at the village-level; and
Make arrangements to formalize the services voluntarily offered by the Sri Lankans living abroad into a village-Expatriate services system. This is where Sri Lanka's Seventh Great Force could become a valuable vehicle.
Sri Lanka's Sixth great force is janitors and maids toiling in Arab countries. Its Seventh force consists mostly of those who went to universities in Sri Lanka in the swabasha medium and now living in western countries holding research, teaching and managerial positions. Most Tamils in this category are now forced to give money to Prabakaran's killing machine and in future they would think of helping their villages in Jaffna or Vavuniya if an opportunity is given.

The National Science Foundation was supposed to develop a project like this but time is ripe to create a separate governmental agency to coordinate this important concept. Those who are about to retire from their work are in a position to return and spend time in the villages providing help in different ways. Imagine the effect of a talent pool of 1000 expats working outside Colombo!

Buddhists and human rights

The Karuna paradigm is a Buddhist paradigm. Sri Lanka can have a language-blind empowerment system because Sinhala Buddhist majority in the island never discriminated against minorities. The reason for this was that unlike in God-based religions, in Buddhism life is cyclical and not linear. When life is considered linear there is no difference between a rice field and a cattle ranch. How to fatten the cattle to sell beef to get the maximum profit has no issues of morality behind it. There is no need to worry about the Eight Fold Path. Any sin can be erased by a week-end confession. All life including plants and trees are part of one interdependent system according to Buddhism. All life is also temporary. Impermanence is the common characteristic of all living phenomenon. Buddhism is also based on following the Middle Path. This is compromise or reasonableness in the democratic western world. Equality of all human beings was practiced in Buddhism in 5th Century B.C. by allowing women to become monks. Trees and rivers were protected in Buddhism just like the habits and customs in this regard that we find among the Native American Indians in America.

In today's world 99% of human rights agents are Christians because mass-scale human rights violations took place in the Christian Europe and Colonial empires. This is why R2P deals are suspected as a new face of global colonialism. In this regard the average Christian is as innocent as an average Buddhist. It was the privileged Christians living in Colombo who ruined Sri Lanka. The NGOs are dominated by these power-hungry, dollar-hunting Christian mudalalis. While in Jaffna Christian Prabakaran applied ethnic cleansing and destroyed Buddhist archeological sites after 1983, ethnic and religious minorities lived in harmony with Sinhala Buddhist in southern villages and towns for thousands of years. Kumar David is concerned with a loss of a comrade perhaps unaware of the universal brotherhood found in Buddhism. Unlike the historical religions based on faith, Buddhists never used swords to convert others. But what had happened to Buddhism in Tamil Nadu and in South Korea should not be allowed to happen in Sri Lanka.

Further readings available on the Internet on the Karuna paradigm:

"An alternative to the ‘Devolution' dilemma: Move the capital to Rajarata." (Island, April 21-24, 1998)
"Federalism and marriage" (Island, 12/12/2005, 1/11/2006)
"Racism paradigm versus the Colombo paradigm" (Island, 2/21/2006)
"You cannot legislate against geography" (Island, 2/22/2006)
"Federal Marriages and water wars" (Daily News, 9/13/2006; www.defence.lk, 9/7/2006)
"Language-blind regional development units" (Island, 10/25/2006)
"Anandasangaree and God Vishnu" (Island, 1/3/2007)
"A letter to a Tamil friend after 40 years!" (Island, 1/25/2007)
"The end of separatist agenda in Sri Lanka" (www.defence.lk, 3/7/2007)
"Mr. Anandasangaree's latest plea: is it reasonable?" (Island, 9/24/2007)
"Professor Rajan Hoole's human rights award" (Island, 10/16/2007)
Sunday, 14 September 2008

2017-01-26

koolbruuk palaaþ navaya venuvata gáGaa nimna kalaapa haþak


po